Wednesday, January 28, 2015

Police Brutally Attack Peaceful Protesters Ahead of National Election

Police brutally attacked and dispersed peaceful demonstrators in the capital Addis Ababa on Sunday as they try to protest against the ongoing government repression on opposition political parties and dissents in run-up to the countries general election..
Political activists say the Sunday’s attack against the peaceful demonstrators is further evidence of the authorities’ determination to clamp down the activities of opposition political parties ahead the election.
In this latest brutal attack against peaceful protesters, dozens of members and supporters of Unity for Democracy and Justice Party (UDJ) were seriously injured. The incident is the most blatant and massive case of lethal police brutality in Ethiopia.
Police officers and security agents brutally attack opposition members and pro-democracy activists (AP
According to reports, demonstrators were brutally beaten with baton, stick and iron rod in the head, face, hands, and legs. One of the victims is said to have been a pregnant woman. Reports show the victims were taken to hospital right away, and some of them are still receiving a medical treatment.
Among seriously injured was Sileshi Hagose, the member of the general assembly of the party and editor in chief of a weekly newspaper. Recently released photographs show that he was wonded in the face and head, and his both hands were seriously broken.
UDJ is the main opposition political party struggling in the narrowing political landscape in Ethiopia and is one of the few parties working at national level with an inclusive structure by bringing different ethnic groups all together.
Reports show in the past few weeks the party has been struggling with the National Election Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) over the case of an internal faction that is accusing the party of violating its laws.
The party claims that the faction is consisted of double agents working for the ruling party, and accuses the NEBE of fuelling the problem and using the allegation of the faction as a tactic to tackle the party in favor of the government. And one of the objectives of Sunday’s demonstration was to protest against this what the party calls “government plot.”
The Sunday’s brutal attack is the latest in a serious of similar measures against peaceful demonstrators in Ethiopia. For instance, on 6 December 2014 several people were beaten during attempts to stage a demonstration by a coalition of nine opposition political parties.
Amnesty international reported that the nine-party coalition had been attempting “to stage a demonstration as the culmination of a series of activities calling for a free and fair election.”
Reports show holding an election rally or demonstration is now totally impossible in Ethiopia as government continue to reject applications for such events and keep its brutal attack against those trying to held.
Escalating Crackdown
According to the National Election Board of Ethiopia (NEBE), the election will be held on May 23 across the country. Yet, as the election approaches, the ruling party is intensifying its crackdown on opposition political parties and dissents.
In 2014 only, several opposition leaders, Journalists, bloggers, and Human Right activists were arrested with numerous publications of the free press closed. More than 30 journalists were also forced to flee the country. The arrest is part of a long trend of arrests and harassment of political opponents, human rights defenders, and journalists.
Activists said at least 12 key and outspoken opposition political leaders, 6 journalists, 6 bloggers, and 2 political activists had been jailed in the capital Addis Ababa only under fabricated terrorism charges.
The ongoing crackdown has included independent civic associations that could play an important role in the upcoming election. Reports shows in 2014 two civic associations were targeted in orchestrated false accusations.
This wide array of measure, which is getting increasingly worrying, is said by oppositions to be calculated to deter challenges and eliminate the scope for the mildest expressions of opposition.





The Ethiopian People Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) has been on power since 1991, and 4 general elections have been held in the past 23 years. Yet, all those elections were abused, and failed to meet the international standards.

Monday, January 26, 2015

የ9ኙ ፓርቲዎች ስብስብ ስርዓቱ በአዲስ አበባ በሰላማዊ ሰልፈኞች ላይ የፈጸመውን ድርጊት አወገዘ

ከ9ኙ ፓርቲዎች ትብብር የተሰጠ መግለጫ
የ9ኙ ፓርቲዎች ትብብር አብሮ ስለመስራትና ሌሎቹም ትብብሩን እንዲቀላቀሉ በየጊዜው የሚወተውተው አገራችን በዚህ ዘመን በማይመጥን አምባገነንና የጭካኔ ስርዓት ውስጥ የምትገኝ መሆኑን በመረዳቱ ነው፡፡ ይህ የህወሓት/ኢህአዴግ አምባገነንና ጨካኝ ስርዓት ህዳሩ 27/28 2007 ዓ.ም የአዳር ሰላማዊ ሰልፍ ላይ በወጡት አመራሮቻችን፣ አባላቶቻችን፣ ደጋፊዎቻችንና በየጎዳናው የተገኙት ንፁሃን ላይ ከፍተኛ ድብደባና የጅምላ እስር በመፈፀም ስርዓቱን ለመታገል የተነሳነበትን አላማ ትክክለኝነት አረጋግጦልናል፡፡
       ገዥው ፓርቲ በፓርቲያቸው የውስጥ ጉዳይ ገብቶ የሚፈፅመውን ደባ፣ ምርጫ ቦርድንና የህዝብ ሚዲያን ተጠቅሞ ፓርቲውን ለመከፋፈልና አሳንሶ ለማሳየት የሚያደርገውን እኩይ ተግባር በመቃወም ሰልፍ የወጡ የአንድነት አመራሮች፣ አባላት፣ ደጋፊዎችና የፓርቲው ጽ/ቤት ፊት ለፊት የሚገኘው ቤተ ክርስትያን አካባቢ የነበሩ አዛውንት ምዕመናንን ሳይቀር በመደብደብ ጭካኔውን ዳግመኛ አሳይቶናል፡፡ ፖሊስ በትዕዛዝ በአንድነት አባላት ላይ ከፍተኛ የጭካኔ እርምጃ ወስዷል፡፡ አብዛኛዎቹንም በጅምላ አስሯል፡፡
udj 10
ስርዓቱ በእነዚህ ሰላማዊ ዜጎች ላይ አሁንም የጭካኔ እርምጃውን መድገሙ ስልጣኑን የማጣት ከፍተኛ ስጋት ውስጥ እንዳለ እና ከይስሙላ ያለፈ ለሰላማዊ ትግሉ ዝግጁ አለመሆኑን የሚያሳይ ነው፡፡ ትብብራችን የስርዓቱን ጨካኝነት እያወቁም ቢሆን በሰላማዊ መንገድ ጥያቄያቸውን ለማቅረብ በስርዓቱ የማይከበረውን ህገ መንግስታዊ መርህ ተከትለው ሰልፍ ለወጡ ቆራጥ የአንድነት አመራሮች፣ አባላትና ደጋፊዎች አድናቆቱን መግለጽ ይወዳል፡፡ መስዋዕትነታችሁ ለነገ ድላችን ስንቅ በመሆኑ ይበልጡን ተጠናክራችሁ በጋራ ትግላችን እንደምናጠናክርም እምነታችን ነው፡፡
በተቃራኒው ገዥው ፓርቲ ህግ የማክበርና የማስከበር ሚናውን ረስቶ ፖሊስ፣ ደህንነትንና ሌሎች ተቋማትን ለራሱ ስልጣን ማስጠበቂያ በማዋል በአንድነት አመራሮች፣ አባላት፣ ደጋፊዎች ላይ የፈፀመውን ለዘመኑ የማይመጥንና በሰላማዊ መንገድ መብታቸውን ለጠየቁት ኢትዮጵያውያንም የማይገባ የጭካኔ እርምጃ በጥብቅ እናወግዛለን፡፡
ኢትዮጵያውያንን የማስተዳደር አቅምና ሞራል ያጣው ገዥው ፓርቲ የዜጎችን ጥያቄ በኃይል ማዳፈን የማይቻል መሆኑንና አገራችን ወደባሰ ችግር እንደሚከታት ተረድቶ ከዚህ የጭካኔ እርምጃው እንዲቆጠብ፣ እርምጃውን የወሰዱትን አካላት በህግ ተጠያቂ እንዲሆኑና የታሰሩትን በአስቸኳይ እንዲፈታ እናሳስባለን፡፡ ፖሊስ፣ ደህንነት፣ መከላከያና ሌሎች ተቋማት ገዥው ፓርቲ አላፊ መሆኑን በመገንዘብና ከገዥው ፓርቲ ታዛዥነት በመውጣት ወገኖቻቸሁ ላይ እንዲህ አይነት የጭካኔና አሳፋሪ እርምጃ ከመውሰድ ተቆጥባችሁ ከህዝብ ጎን እንድትቆሙ ጥሪያችን እናቀርባለን፡፡
ያለ መስዋዕትነት ድል የለም!
ጥር 17/2007 ዓ.ም
አዲስ አበባ

የኢትዮጲያ ፖለቲካ መልኩን የሚቀይርበት 11ኛው ሰዓት ላይ ደርሷል!

By: Daniel Fikre

መግቢያ መውጫ አሳጥቶ፤ የወንድ በር እንኳን ለመስጠት ፈቃደኛ ሳይሆን በማን አለብኝነትና በትምክህት ስነልቦና ተወጥሮ በአፈና ጅራፉ ሲገርፈን ፀጥ ብለን የምናይበት የፈሪ ልብ፤ መጠን ያለፈውን የጭቆና ቀንበር የምንሸከምበት ጫንቃ የለንም፡፡
ጋዜጠኛ ስለሺ የተደበደበው ሰውነቱ በፋሻ ተጠቅልሎ ይታያል
ጋዜጠኛ ስለሺ የተደበደበው ሰውነቱ በፋሻ ተጠቅልሎ ይታያል
አዎን ኢህአዴግ የደም መስዋዕትነት የከፈልኩበትን ስልጣን በቀላሉ አለቅም በሚል የሞት የሽረት ትግል እንደሚያደርግ ሁሉ እኛም ጓዶቻችን የታሰሩበትን ትግል እና ፓርቲ ወደጎን ትተን የትም አንሄድም፡፡ አንዱአለም አራጌ፣ የሺዋስ አሰፋ፣ ሀብታሙ አያሌው፣ አብርሀ ደስታ፣ አግባው ሰጠኝ እና ሌሎቹም የታገሉለትን አላማ ከግብ ሳናደርስ ወደኋላ ማለት የለም፡፡
ትግሉ ሰላማዊ እና ሰላማዊ ብቻ እንዲሆን ከአንድ ወገን ብቻ (ከተቃዋሚዎች በኩል) እየተደረገ ያለውን ጥረት ኢህአዴግ እንደፈሪነት እየቆጠረው በትዕቢት ተወጥሮ ያስራል ይገላል፡፡ ነገም ኢህአዴግ ከዚህ የተለየ ነገር አያደርግም፡፡
ፓርቲያችን አንድነትን ለጀሌዎችህ ስትሰጣቸው እጃችንን አጣጥፈን ዝም ብለን አናይህም በሚል ነገ የአንድነት አባላቶች እና ደጋፊዎች ሰልፍ ሲወጡ ወያኔ እንደለመደው ያስራል፡፡
ዛሬ በልሳኑ ኢቲቪ/ኢቢሲ ደግሞ ሰማያዊ ምርጫው ሰላማዊ እንዳይሆን እሰራለሁ አመፅንም እጠራለሁ ብሏል ሲል በሬ ጥጃ ወለደ ዲስኩሩን ደስኩሯል፡፡
አንድነትን ለእነ ትዕግስቱ አወሉ ሰጥቼ እውነተኛ አመራሮቹንም አስሬ አፈርሰዋለሁ፤ ሰማያዊን ደግሞ አመፅ ሊጠራ ነው በሚል ፓርቲውን አግዳለሁ አመራሮቹንም አስራለሁ በሚል ስሌት እየሰራ እንደሆነ ከመቼውም ጊዜ በላይ ግልፅ ሆኗል፡፡
እንግዲያው ፓርቲዎችን ከዘጋ፣ ህጋዊ አመራሮችንም ካሰረ እና ሰላማዊውን መንገድ ከዘጋው የኢትዮጲያ ፖለቲካ መልኩን ይቀይራል፡፡
ጓዶቹ የታሰሩለትን ፓርቲ፣ አላማ እንዲሁም ትግል ወደጎን ትቶ የሚሄድ የለምና አሁን ትግሉ ሞትን ፊት ለፊት የመጋፈጥ እና ነፃነትን የመሻት ነው፡፡ ‹‹የሰላም በሮች ሲዘጉ የአብዮት በሮች ይከፈታሉ›› እንዲል ጋዜጠኛው ነቢዩ፡፡

Monday, January 19, 2015

ዛሬ አዲስ አበባ በጥምቀት በዓል ላይ ከወያኔ ፖሊሶች ጋር በተፈጠረ ግጭት በርካታ ወገኖች ተጎዱ፥ የአንድ ሰው ህይወት አለፈ

January 19.2015
ዛሬ በአዲስ አበባ የጥምቀት ባህል ላይ የቅዱስ አባታችን ተክለሃይማኖት የታቦት ሽኝት ላይ ከወያኔ ደጋፊዎችና ሰላዮች ጋር በተፈጠረ ግጭት በርካታ ወገኖች የቆሰሉ ሲሆን የአንድ ሰው ህይወት አልፏል። በግጭቱ ወቅት የፌዴራል ፖሊሶች ከወያኔ ደጋፊዎች ጎን ተሰልፈው ወጣቶችን በፋሽስታዊ ጭካኔ ግንባራቻው እስኪተረተር ሲደበድቧቸውና በመኪና ሲገጯቸው ይታይ ነበር። በሌላ በኩል የሰማያዊ ፓርቲ አባላት የወያኔ ፖሊሶችን ወከባ በመቋቋም ሰማያዊ ቲሸርታቸውን ለብሰው በዓሉን ለማክበር ወጥተዋል።

Thursday, January 15, 2015

Egypt rejects Ethiopia dam storage capacity

Egypt’s irrigation ministry says the current capacity of the Renaissance Dam will negatively affect its water share
millenniumdam-1024x713Egypt has objected to the storage capacity of Ethiopia’s Grand Renaissance Dam, currently under construction, which it fears will negatively affect its Nile water share.
Alaa Yassin, spokesperson on the Ethiopia dam issue for Egypt’s irrigation ministry, called for decreasing the dam’s capacity, currently set at 74 billion cubic metres, saying this will have an adverse effect on Egypt’s water supply.
Yassin stated, according to state news agency MENA on Sunday, that his country’s “studies” on the dam have shown that the capacity is “unjustified” and “technically unacceptable.”
In October, Ethiopia said it had completed 40 percent of the construction necessary for its $4.2 billion dam project, adding that the first stage of the dam will be operational from June 2015. The 6,000 megawatt dam, set to be Africa’s largest, is expected to be completed by 2017.
Egypt, Ethiopia and Sudan have created a tripartite committee to conduct negotiations on the dam, a source of concern for Egypt.
Ethiopia is building the dam on the Blue Nile, the Nile’s most significant tributary, supplying most of its water
The committee is expected to meet mid-January to choose an international firm to conduct studies on the dam’s impact. This meeting has been postponed twice while some firms have withdrawn from the pool of prospective candidates to conduct the study.
In previous statements, Egyptian officials have said that there are several technical issues that could be discussed with Ethiopia should the anticipated report reveal that the dam will diminish Egypt’s water supply.
Egypt will likely need an additional 21 billion cubic metres of water per year by 2050, on top of its current 55 billion cubic metre quota, to meet the water needs of a projected population of 150 million, according to Egypt’s National Planning Institute.
Source: english.ahram.org.eg

Saturday, January 10, 2015

የምርጫ 2007 10ቱ ቃላት

የዚህ ጽሑፍ ግብ በምርጫ 2007 ቁም ነገር መስራት የሚፈልግ የምርጫ ፓርቲ ማድረግ ከሚገቡት ሌሎች
እጅግ በርካታ ዝግጅቶች በተጨማሪ ከግንዛቤ ሊያስገባቸው የሚገቡ 10 ነጥቦች መዘርዘር ነው። ምርጫው ነፃ
እና ፍትሃዊ ካልሆነ ከምርጫ መወጣት (ቦይኮት ማድረግ) ጠቃሚ ነው ለሚሉ ወገኖችም መልስ ይሰጣል
ይኽ ጽሑፍ። መልካም ንባብ።
(1) መንግስት በስልጣን መኖር የሚችለው፥ (ሀ) ህጋዊነት የሚለግሰው ህዝብ ሲኖር፣ (ለ) ህዝብ የሙያ
    ትብብር ሲለግስ፣ (ሐ) ህዝብ የግብር ክፍያ ትብብር ሲያደርግ፣ (መ) የመንግስትን የአገር ተፈጥሮ ሃብት
    እና አገራዊ ኢኮኖሚ ባለቤትነት ህዝብ እሺ ሲል ብቻ ነው። እነዚህን የፖለቲካ ኃይል ምንጮች ህዝብ
    አሳልፎ ለገዢው ቡድን አሳልፎ የሰጠው በፍራቻ ወይንም በፈቃደኛነት ሊሆን ይችላል። ያም ሆነ ይህ
    የእነዚህ የፖለቲካ ኃይል ምንጮች ባለቤት ህዝብ ነው።፡ ስለዚህ ነው የመንግስት ስልጣን ምንጭ ህዝብ
   ነው የሚባለው። ህዝብ የመንግስት ስልጣን ባለቤት ነው የሚባለውም ስለዚህ ነው። ስለዚህ የመንግስት
   ስልጣን ባለቤት የሆነው ህዝብ የመንግስት ስልጣን ለመለገስ የተሳተፈባቸው ምርጫዎች ህገወጥ ሊሆኑ
   አይችሉም። ተቃዋሚ የምርጫ ፓርቲዎች የመንግስት ስልጣን ባለቤት ባለመሆናቸው እራሳቸውን
   ከምርጫው በማግለል ምርጫውን ህገወጥ አደረግን ማለት አይችሉም። ህዝብ እስከተሳተፈ ምርጫው
   ህጋዊ ነው። አብላጫ ድምጽ ያገኘውም ፓርቲ ህጋዊ አሸናፊ ፓርቲ ነው። የተባበሩት መንግስታትም ሆነ
   የምዕራቡ ዓለም መስፈርት የሚለው ይኽንኑ ነው። (ስድስቱ የፖለቲካ ኃይል ምንጮች ሰላማዊ ትግል
   101 በሚል ስያሜ በቅርብ ገበያ ላይ በዋለችው መጽሐፍ ውስጥ በሰፊው ቀርቧል።)
(2) በምርጫ በስልጣን ላይ ያለን መንግስት ህጋዊነት ማሳጣት የሚቻለው የመንግስት ስልጣን ባለቤት
     የሆነው ህዝብ እራሱን ከምርጫ ሲያገል ብቻ ነው። አንድ ህዝብ በምርጫ አልሳተፍም ካለ ምርጫ
     የለም። አሸናፊ ፓርቲ የሚባልም ነገር የለም። ስለዚህ ህዝብ ከሚሳተፍበት ምርጫ እራሳቸውን ብቻ
     በማግለል (ቦይኮት በማድረግ) ምርጫውን ወይንም አሸነፈ የሚባለውን ፓርቲ ህጋዊነት እናሳጣዋለን
    ብለው የሚያስቡ ተቃዋሚ ፓርቲዎች ካሉ የአስተሳሰብ ዝንፈት ወይንም ጨቅላነት አለባቸው። ህዝብን
    ሊተኩ ወይንም እራሳቸውን ከህዝብ በላይ አድርገዋል ማለት ነው። አምባገነንነትም በልጅነቱ ይኽንኑ
    ነው የሚመስለው።
(3) ዴሞክራሲ በሰረጸባቸው እንደ አሜሪካ እና እንግሊዝ አይነት አገሮች ውስጥ ምርጫ ህዝብ የመንግስት
     ስልጣን ባለቤት መሆኑ ማረጋገጫ መንገድ ነው። በእነዚህ አገሮች ምርጫ ቦርዱም ሆነ የህዝብ ታዛቢዎች
     (የምርጫ አስፈጻሚዎች) ገለለተኛ በመሆናቸው የመራጩ ህዝብ ድምጽ ይሰረቃል የሚል ስጋት የለም።
     የምርጫ ፓርቲዎች ድምጽ ለማስከበር በሚል የሚያደርጉት ስትራተጂያዊ ዝግጅት አይኖርም።
 (4) ዴሞክራሲ በሰረጸባቸው እንደ አሜሪካ እና እንግሊዝ አይነት አገሮች ውስጥ ተፎካካሪ የፖለቲካ
       ፓርቲዎች ህዝባቸው እንዲመርጣቸው ስለሚጠይቁ ፓርቲዎቹ የመንግስት ስልጣን ባለቤት
       አለመሆናቸውንም ማረጋገጫ ነው ምርጫ። ህዝብ የመንግስት ስልጣን ባለቤት በመሆኑ ከተፎካካሪ
       ፓርቲዎች ውስጥ የፈለገውን ይቀጥራል (ይመርጣል)። ያልፈለገውን አይመርጥም (አይቀጥርም)።
       በእነዚህ አገሮች ከሞላ ጎደል ነፃ እና ፍትሃዊ ምርጫ ይደረጋል። ስለዚህ በእነዚህ አገሮች ምርጫ
       የዴሞክራሲ መገለጫ ነው።
(5) ዴሞክራስ ባልሰረጸባቸው እንደ ኢትዮጵያ አይነት አገሮች ውስጥ ምርጫ የህዝብን የመንግስት ስልጣን
     ባለቤትነት ማምጫ መንገድ ነው። በእነዚህ አገሮች ፥ (ሀ) ሶስቱ የመንግስት ዘርፎች የተነጣጠሉ
     ባለመሆናቸው፣ (ለ) የኢትዮጵያ ህገ መንግስት እንባ ጠባቂ ብሎ ያሚጠራው ተቋም ነፃ ባለመሆኑ፣ (ሐ)
     በዘልማድ አራተኛው የመንግስት ዘርፍ ተብሎ የሚጠራው ነፃ ፕሬስ እንደልቡ በነጻነት መንቀሳቀስ
    ባለመቻሉ፣ (መ) በመንግስት እና በፓርቲ መካከል ሊኖር የሚገባው ቀጭን ቀይ መስመር ባለመኖሩ፣
    (ረ) ምርጫ ቦርዱም ሆነ የህዝብ ታዛቢዎች (የምርጫ አስፈጻሚዎች) ገለለተኛ ባለመሆናቸው ነፃ እና
    ፍትሃዊ ምርጫ የደረጋል ብሎ ማሰብ ላም ባልዋለበት ኩበት መልቀም ይቻላል ብሎ እንደማመን ነው።
    በእነዚ አገሮች ነፃ እና ፍትሃዊ ምርጫ ይደረግ የሚለው ጥያቄ የሚቀርበው እንደ መታገያ አሳብ መሆኑ
   ታውቆ የምርጫ ፓርቲዎች ከምርጫ ሳይወጡ ህዝባቸውን የመንግስት ስልጣን ባለቤት ለማድረግ
   ማለትም ወደ ዴሞክራሲ ለመሸጋገር የጀመሩትን ጉዙ መቀጠል አለባቸው። ስለዚህ ነው በእነዚህ አገሮች
   በሚደረግ ምርጫ የምርጫ ስትራተጂ ሲቀየት የህዝብ ድምጽ እንዳይሰረቅ ለማድረግ የሚያስችል
   ዝግጅት በስትራተጂ ውስጥ የሚካተተው።
(6) ዴሞክራስ ባልሰረጸባቸው እንደ ኢትዮጵያ አይነት አገሮች ውስጥ በሚደረግ        ምርጫ ነፃ እና ፍትሃዊ
     ምርጫ ካልተደረገ በሚል ምክንያት ከምርጫ መውጣት ለኢህአዴግ (ገዢው ፓርቲ) ጭንቀት መቀነስ
    ብቻ ሳይሆን ደስታን መለገስ ነው። ባቄላ አለቀ ቢባል ፈስ ቀለለ እንደሚባለው ነው የሚሆንለት
     ለኢህአዴግ (ገዢው ፓርቲ)። ምክንያቱም የመንግስት ስልጣን ባለቤት የሆነው የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ
    በምርጫ እስከተሳተፈ ድረስ ምርጫው ህጋዊ ነው። ያሸነፈውም ፓርቲ ወዲያው አለም አቀፍ እውቅናን
    ያገኛል። የገንዘብ እና የቁሳቁስ እርዳታም ይቀጥላል። ይኼን ሃቅ ቀደም ብለው በኢትዮጵያ የተደረጉት
    አራት አገር አቀፍ ምርጫዎች አስተምረውናል።
(7) ዴሞክራስ ባልሰረጸባቸው እንደ ኢትዮጵያ አይነት አገሮች ውስጥ በሚደረግ ምርጫ በመሳተፍ የህዝብን
   ድምጽ ማግኘት ግን ለኢህአዴግ (ገዢው ፓርቲ) መከራ እና ጭንቀትን ይፈጥራል። ይኽን ሃቅ በምርጫ
   97 ያስተዋልነው ነው። ሽንፈትን አልቀበልም ካለ ድምጽ ይከበር የሚል እንቅስቃሴ ሊፈጠር ይችላል።
   ይኽንንም ሃቅ በምርጫ 97 አይተናል። አንዴ ህዝባዊ እንቅስቃሴ ከጀመረ ከዚያ ወዴት እንደሚሄድ
   መገመት አዳጋች ነው። ስለዚህ የምርጫ ፓርቲዎች ለዚህ አይነት አጋጣሚም ቀደም ብለው መዘጋጀት
   ይበጃቸዋል። አይመጣምን ትተሽ ይመጣልን ጠብቂ በሚለው መመራት ጠቃሚ ነው።
(8) ዴሞክራሲ ባልሰረጸባቸው አገሮች ህዝብ ድምጽ የመሰረቅ እድሉ ከፍተኛ ነው። በሰላማዊ ትግል የህዝብ
    ነፃ አውጭ እራሱ ህዝቡ መሆኑ ታውቆ የምርጫ ፓርቲዎች እምነታቸው በውጭ አገር ድጋፍ ወይንም
    በምርጫ ቦርድ ሳይሆን በህዝብ ላይ መሆን አለበት። ስለዚህ የምርጫ ፓርቲዎች ህዝብ ድምጹን
    እንዳይሰረቅ ማድረግ እንዲችል ማሰልጠን እና ማደራጀት አለባቸው። የምርጫ ፓርቲዎች ማድረግ
    ከሚገቧቸው ስራዎች ውስጥ ጥቂቱ የሚከተሉትን ያካትታል፥ (ሀ) በህዝብ ታዛቢዎች ላይ ገለልተኛ
    እንዲሆኑ ጫና በማሳደረ፣ (ለ) ለምርጫ እድሜው የደረሰ በሙሉ ለምርጫ እንዲመዘገብ እና የምርጫ
    ካርድ እንዲወስድ በማድረግ፣ (ሐ) ህዝቡ የምርጫ ካርዱን የሚቀጥሉት አምስት አመቶች በአገሩ
    አቅጣጫ ላይ ውስኔ መስጫው መብቱ መተግበሪያ አድርጎ እንዲያምን በማድረግ፣ (መ) በምርጫ እለት
    የምርጫ ካርድ የወሰደ መራጭ በሙሉ በነቂስ ወጥቶ እንዲመርጥ በማሳመን፣ (ሠ) በምርጫው ዕለት
    በድስፕሊን የታነጹ እና በምርጫ ህግ የሰለጠኑ የእምነት ጽናት ያላቸው የእጩ ታዛቢዎች በየምርጫ
    ጣቢያው በማሰማራት ታህሳስ 12/2007 ተመረጡ የተባሉት የህዝብ ታዛቢዎች በእድሜ የገፋውን
   መራጭ ህዝብ ሳያደናግሩ የምርጫ ካርዶችን እና የምርጫ ኮሮጆዎችን በገለልተኛነት እንዲያስተናግዱ
   በመከታተል፣ (ረ) እጩዎች ህዝቡ እንዲመርጣቸው የሚያደርጉ መልዕክቶች፣ የትምህርት ደረጃ፣ ማራኪ
   ባህሪ፣ ተወዳጅነትም እንዲኖራቸው በማድረ (ማሰልጠን ይቻላል)፣ (ሰ) ገዢው ፓርቲ ከሽንፈት ማምለጫ
   መከራከሪያ እንዳይኖረው እና ሽንፈትን ሳያንገራግር እንዲቀበል ለማድረግ ይቻል ዘንድ በሚሸነፍባቸው የምርጫ
   ጣቢያዎች እና የምርጫ ክልል ወረዳዎች ሽንፈቱ በከፍተኛ ድምጽ (landslide) እንዲሆን ማድረግ (ሸ) የምርጫ
   ጣቢያዎች ሲዘጉ ድምጽ ተቆጥሮ አሸናፊ እስኪታወቅ መራጩ ህዝብ ከየምርጫ ጣቢያዎች ርቆ
   እንዳይሄድ ማድረግ። የህዝብ ድምጽ ከተሰረቀ መራጩ ህዝብ ድምጼን ካላከበርክ እኔም የአንተን ገዢነት
   አላከብርም የሚል እንቅስቃሴ ሊጀምር ይችላል። ስለዚህ በእነዚህ አገሮች የሚደረግ ምርጫ በአግባቡ
   ከተያዘ እና ከተመራ የህዝብን የመንግስት ስልጣን ባለቤትነት ማምጫ መንገድ ነው። ዴሞክራሲን
   ማምጫ ነው።
(9) ዴሞክራስ ባልሰረጸባቸው እንደ ኢትዮጵያ አይነት አገሮች ውስጥ የሚደረግ ጠብመንጃ-መር ትግል
     (ለምሳሌ፥ ትጥቅ ትግል፣ የከተማ ግድያ፣ ሽብር፣ በፕላን ያልተመራ ሰላማዊ አመጽ፣ ወ.ዘ.ተ. ) አምባገነን
    ማምጫ ነው።
(10)ዴሞክራስ ባልሰረጸባቸው እንደ ኢትዮጵያ አይነት አገሮች ውስጥ በሚደረግ ምርጫ የምርጫ ፓርቲዎች
     በተካሄደው ምርጫ የተገኙ ፖለቲካዊ እና ድርጅታዊ ድሎችን መልቀም የሚያስችሉ ዝግጅቶች ቀደም
    ብለው ማድረግ አለባቸው። ይኽን ለማድረግ በቅድመ-ምርጫ ዝግጅት፣ በምርጫ እለት እና ከምርጫ
    ማግስት ሊፈጠሩ የሚችሉ ሁኔታዎችን (Scenarios) ቀደም ብለው መተንተን እና ቀዳዳዎችን መድፈን
    የሚያስችሉዋቸው ዝግጅቶች ማድረግ አለባቸው። በምርጫ 2007 የተገኙ ድሎች እንደ ምርጫ 1997
   መባከን የለባቸውም። ገዢውን ፓርቲ ሊያስበረግጉ እና ሊያስቆጡ ከሚችሉ ድንፋታዎች፣ ዛቻዎች፣
   ፉከራዎች፣ ትንኮሳዎች፣ መፈጸም የለባቸውም ተቃዋሚ የምርጫ ፓርቲዎች። ገዢው ፓርቲ ሽንፈት
   በደረሱበት አካባቢዎች ሽንፈትን የጀግኖች ሽንፈት አድርጎ መቀበል የተሻለ አማራጭ አድርጎ እንዲዎስድ
   ማበረታታት ያስፈልጋል።
ግርማ ሞገስ

Friday, January 9, 2015

ታንኮችን የጫኑ የመከላከያ ስራዊት መኪናዎች ወደ ጎንደር አቅጣጫ መጓጓዛቸውን የባህር ዳር ነዋሪዎች ተናገሩ።

ጥር ፩(አንድ) ቀን ፳፻፯ ዓ/ም ኢሳት ዜና :-ስኞ  እለት ታህሳስ 27 ቀን 2007 ዓመተ ምህረት ታንኮችን የጫኑ የመከላከያ ሰራዊት ተሽከርካሪዎች  ባህር ዳር ከተማ መግባታቸውን የዓይን ምስክሮች ተናግረዋል።
የከተማው ነዋሪዎች ለኢሳት እንዳሉት፤ ከየት አቅጣጫ እንደመጡ ያልታወቁ የጦር ተሸከርካሪዎች  ሰኞ ምሽቱን ባህርዳር ወደሚገኘው የመከላከያ ኮንስትራክሽን ድርጅት(መኮድ) ካምፕ ገብተው ካደሩ በሁዋላ  በማግስቱ ጧት ወደ ጎንደር አቅጣጫ ተጓጉዘዋል።
ተሸከርካሪዎቹ የጫኗቸው ታንኮች ላይ ከባድ መሳሪያዎች እንዳልተጠመደባቸው የሚናገሩት የዓይን ምስክሮች፤ ታንኮቹ እግረኞችን ለመምታት የሚያገለግሉ እንደ ዲሸቃ ያሉ ቀላል መሳሪያ የሚተኮስባቸው ናቸው ብለዋል።
ከጦር ተሽከርካሪዎቹ በተጓዳኝም በአውቶቡሶች የተጫኑ ወታደሮችም አብረው መጓጓዛቸውንም ነዋሪዎቹ ተናግረዋል። ሰሞኑን በጎንደር አርማጭሆ “ሶረቃ” የሚባለውን አካባቢ ወደ ክልል አንድ ለማካለል በታጣቂዎች የተደረገው ሙከራ  በአካባቢው ህዝብ  ተቃውሞ እንደከሸፈና  ክስተቱን ተከትሎ በተፈጠረው ግጭት ከሁለቱም ወገን በርካቶች እንደተጎዱ መዘገባችን ይታወቃል። መንግስት ሰሞኑን በተለያየ አቅጣጫ ወደ ሰሜን ኢትዮጰያ የጦር ተሸከርካሪዎችን እያጓጓዘ ነው።

በጎንደር አርማጭሆ የተቀሰቀሰው ግጭት ሊበርድ አልቻለም

ኢሳት ዜና :-ባለፈው ሳምንት ታጣቂዎች በከባድ መሳሪያዎች በመታጀብ በጎንደር አርማጭሆ ውስጥ <<ሶረቃ>> የሚባለውን አካባቢ ወደ ትግራይ ለማካለል በወሰዱት እርምጃ የተነሳው ግጭት እስካሁን ሊበርድ እንዳልቻለ በስፍራው የሚገኘው የኢሳት ወኪል ያጠናቀረው ሪፖርት ያመለክታል።
ወኪላችን እንዳለው ታጣቂዎቹ፤ አርሶ አደሮችን በኃይልና በማን አለብኝነት አስነስተው ቦታውን ለማካለል ያደረጉትን ጥረት የአካባቢው ህዝብ ከዳር እስከዳር በመንቀሳቀስና ውጊያ ጭምር በመግጠም ነበር ያከሸፈው።በወቅቱ የታጣቂዎቹን እርምጃ ተከትሎ በተቀሰቀሰው ግጭት ከሁለቱም በኩል ጉዳት መድረሱ ታውቋል።
ውጥረቱ እስካሁን ያልበረደ ከመሆኑም ባሻገር የ አካባቢው ሕዝብ ከዳር እስከ ዳር እየተጠራራ ንብረቱን ለማስጠበቅ በአንድ ተሰባስቦ መዘጋጀቱ፤ ሌላ ዙር የከፋ ግጭት ይቀሰቀሳል የሚል ስጋት አሳደሯል።

Saturday, January 3, 2015

U.S. issued a comprehensive report on Ethiopia


January 2, 2015
Washington ( DIPLOMAT.SO) – U.S. Department of State , OFFICE TO MONITOR AND COMBAT TRAFFICKING IN PERSONS,2014 Trafficking in Persons Report.
ETHIOPIA
Ethiopia is a source and, to a lesser extent, destination and transit country for men, women, and children who areEthiopia sex trafficking subjected to forced labor and sex trafficking. Girls from Ethiopia’s rural areas are exploited in domestic servitude and, less frequently, prostitution within the country, while boys are subjected to forced labor in traditional weaving, herding, guarding, and street vending. The central market in Addis Ababa is home to the largest collection of brothels in Africa, with girls as young as 8-years-old in prostitution in these establishments. Ethiopian girls are forced into domestic servitude and prostitution outside of Ethiopia, primarily in Djibouti, South Sudan, and in the Middle East. Ethiopian boys are subjected to forced labor in Djibouti as shop assistants, errand boys, domestic workers, thieves, and street beggars. Young people from Ethiopia’s vast rural areas are aggressively recruited with promises of a better life and are likely targeted because of the demand for cheap domestic labor in the Middle East.
Many young Ethiopians transit through Djibouti, Egypt, Somalia, Sudan, or Yemen as they emigrate seeking work in the Middle East; some become stranded and exploited in these transit countries, and are subjected to detention, extortion, and severe abuses—some of which include forced labor and sex trafficking—while en route to their final destinations. Young women are subjected to domestic servitude throughout the Middle East, as well as in Sudan and South Sudan. Many Ethiopian women working in domestic service in the Middle East face severe abuses, including physical and sexual assault, denial of salary, sleep deprivation, withholding of passports, confinement, and even murder. Ethiopian women are sometimes exploited in the sex trade after migrating for labor purposes—particularly in brothels, mining camps, and near oil fields in Sudan and South Sudan—or after fleeing abusive employers in the Middle East. Low-skilled Ethiopian men and boys migrate to Saudi Arabia, the Gulf States, and other African nations, where some are subjected to forced labor. In October 2013, the Ethiopian government banned overseas labor recruitment. Preceding the ban, Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs (MOLSA) officials reported that up to 1,500 Ethiopians departed daily as part of the legal migration process. Officials estimated this likely represented only 30 to 40 percent of those migrating for work; the remaining 60 to 70 percent were smuggled with the facilitation of illegal brokers. Brokers serve as the primary recruiters in rural areas. Over 400 employment agencies were licensed to recruit Ethiopians for work abroad; however, government officials acknowledged many to be involved in both legal and illegal recruitment, leading to the government’s ban on labor export. Following the ban, irregular labor migration through Sudan is believed to have increased. Eritreans residing in Ethiopia-based refugee camps, some of whom voluntarily migrate out of the camps, and others who are lured or abducted from the camps, face situations of human trafficking in Sudan and Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula.
Since November 2013, the Saudi Arabian government has deported over 163,000 Ethiopians, including over 94,000 men working mostly in the construction sector and over 8,000 children working in cattle herding and domestic service; international organizations and Ethiopian officials believe thousands were likely trafficking victims. Many migrants reported not having repaid debts to those who smuggled them to Saudi Arabia, rendering some of them at risk for re-trafficking.
The Government of Ethiopia does not fully comply with the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking; however, it is making significant efforts to do so. The Federal High Court convicted 106 traffickers and worked with international partners to shelter and provide emergency care to trafficking victims. In 2013, following an influx of trafficking victims returning to Ethiopia, the government recognized problems with its oversight of Ethiopian-based employment agencies, which were failing to protect workers sent overseas. In response, the government temporarily banned labor recruitment and began to revise the relevant employment proclamation to ensure improved oversight of these agencies and better protection of its citizens while working abroad. The government facilitated the return of thousands of Ethiopians, including many likely trafficking victims, deported from Saudi Arabia and elsewhere during the reporting period, and coordinated with NGOs and international organizations to provide services to the returning migrants. The government relied on NGOs to provide direct assistance to both internal and transnational trafficking victims and did not provide financial or in-kind support to such organizations. The government did not deploy labor attachés or improve the availability of protective services offered by its overseas diplomatic missions. The absence of government-organized trainings in 2013 was a concern. The government also did not effectively address child prostitution and other forms of internal trafficking through law enforcement, protection, or prevention efforts. It did not report on the number of victims it identified in 2013.
Recommendations for Ethiopia:
Complete amendments to the employment exchange proclamation to ensure penalization of illegal recruitment and improved oversight of overseas recruitment agencies; strengthen criminal code penalties for sex trafficking and amend criminal code Articles 597 and 635 to include a clear definition of human trafficking that includes the trafficking of male victims and enhanced penalties that are commensurate with other serious crimes; enhance judicial understanding of trafficking and improve the investigative capacity of police throughout the country to allow for more prosecutions of internal child trafficking offenses; increase the use of Articles 596, 597, and 635 to prosecute cases of labor and sex trafficking; improve screening procedures in the distribution of national identification cards and passports to ensure children are not fraudulently acquiring these; allocate appropriate funding for the deployment of labor attachés to overseas diplomatic missions; institute regular trafficking awareness training for diplomats posted abroad, as well as labor officials who validate employment contracts or regulate employment agencies, to ensure the protection of Ethiopians seeking work or employed overseas; incorporate information on human trafficking and labor rights in Middle Eastern and other countries into pre-departure training provided to migrant workers; engage Middle Eastern governments on improving protections for Ethiopian workers; partner with local NGOs to increase the level of services available to trafficking victims returning from overseas, including allocating funding to enable the continuous operation of either a government or NGO-run shelter; improve the productivity of the national anti-trafficking taskforce; and launch a national anti-trafficking awareness campaign at the local and regional levels.
Prosecution
The Government of Ethiopia maintained its anti-trafficking law enforcement efforts during the reporting period, but its efforts continued to focus wholly on transnational trafficking, with little evidence that the government investigated or prosecuted sex trafficking or internal labor trafficking cases. Ethiopia prohibits sex and labor trafficking through criminal code Articles 596 (Enslavement), 597 (Trafficking in Women and Children), 635 (Traffic in Women and Minors), and 636 (Aggravation to the Crime). Article 635, which prohibits sex trafficking, prescribes punishments not exceeding five years’ imprisonment, penalties which are sufficiently stringent, though not commensurate with penalties prescribed for other serious crimes, such as rape. Articles 596 and 597 outlaw slavery and labor trafficking and prescribe punishments of five to 20 years’ imprisonment, penalties which are sufficiently stringent. Articles 597 and 635, however, lack a clear definition of human trafficking, do not include coverage for crimes committed against adult male victims, and have rarely been used to prosecute trafficking offenses. Instead, Articles 598 (Unlawful Sending of Ethiopians to Work Abroad) and 571 (Endangering the Life of Another) are regularly used to prosecute cases of transnational labor trafficking. The absence of a clear legal definition of human trafficking in law impeded the Ethiopian Federal Police’s (EFP) and Ministry of Justice’s ability to investigate and prosecute trafficking cases effectively. Officials began drafting amendments to the Employment Exchange Services Proclamation No. 632/2009, which governs the work of approximately 400 licensed labor recruitment agencies; planned amendments will prohibit illegal recruitment and improve oversight of recruitment agencies.
During the reporting period, the EFP’s Human Trafficking and Narcotics Section, located within the Organized Crime Investigation Unit, investigated 135 suspected trafficking cases—compared to 133 cases in the previous reporting period. The federal government reported prosecuting 137 cases involving an unknown number of defendants relating to transnational labor trafficking under Article 598; of these cases, the Federal High Court convicted 106 labor traffickers—compared to 100 labor traffickers convicted in the previous reporting period. Officials indicated that these prosecutions included cases against private employment agencies and brokers, but did not provide details on these cases or the average length of applied sentences. Between June and July 2013, courts in the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples Region (SNNPR) reportedly heard 267 cases involving illegal smugglers and brokers. In addition, in Gamo Gofa, a zone within SNNPR, the zonal court convicted six traffickers in 2013—the first convictions in that area’s history. The EFP investigated allegations of complicity in trafficking-related crimes involving staff at several foreign diplomatic missions in Addis Ababa; the EFP arrested several staff at these missions.
In 2013, the government did not initiate any sex trafficking prosecutions, including for child prostitution. It also did not demonstrate adequate efforts to investigate and prosecute internal trafficking crimes or support and empower regional authorities to effectively do so. Regional law enforcement entities throughout the country continued to exhibit an inability to distinguish human trafficking from human smuggling and lacked capacity to properly investigate and document cases, as well as to collect and organize relevant data. In addition, the government remained limited in its ability to conduct international investigations. The government did not provide or fund trafficking-specific trainings for law enforcement officials, though police and other officials received training from international organizations with governmental support during the year. Seventy-seven judges also received training on both child labor and human trafficking. The government did not report any investigations, prosecutions, or convictions of public officials allegedly complicit in human trafficking or trafficking-related offenses. For example, reports suggest local kabele or district level officials accepted bribes to change the ages on district-issued identification cards, enabling children to receive passports without parental consent; passport issuance authorities did not question the validity of such identification documents or the ages of applicants.
Protection
The government did not provide adequate assistance to trafficking victims—both those exploited internally or after migrating overseas—relying almost exclusively on international organizations and NGOs to provide services to victims without providing funding to these organizations. However, following the Saudi Arabian government’s closure of its border and massive deportation of migrant workers, officials worked quickly and collaboratively with international organizations and NGOs to repatriate and accommodate over 163,000 Ethiopian returnees from Saudi Arabia and several hundred from Yemen. The government did not report the number of victims it identified and assisted during the year. It remained without standard procedures for front-line responders to guide their identification of trafficking victims and their referral to care. During the reporting period, following the return of Ethiopians exploited overseas, the Bole International Airport Authority and immigration officials in Addis Ababa referred an unknown number of female victims to eleven local NGOs that provided care specific to trafficking victims. Typically such referrals were made only at the behest of self-identified victims of trafficking. One organization assisted 70 trafficking victims during the year—often from Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar, Yemen, and Lebanon—providing shelter, food, clothing, medical and psychological treatment without government support. The government’s reliance on NGOs to provide direct assistance to most trafficking victims, while not providing financial or in-kind support to such NGOs, resulted in unpredictable availability of adequate care; many facilities lacked sustainability as they depended on project-based funding for continued operation. Despite its reliance on NGOs to provide victims care, the government at times created challenges for these organizations as a result of its 2009 Charities and Societies Proclamation. This proclamation prohibits organizations that receive more than 10 percent of their funding from foreign sources from engaging in activities that promote—among other things—human rights, the rights of children and persons with disabilities, and justice. These restrictions had a negative impact on the ability of some NGOs to adequately provide a full range of protective services, including assistance to victims in filing cases against their traffickers with authorities and conducting family tracing.
The government operated child protection units in the 10 sub-cities of Addis Ababa and six major cities, including Dire Dawa, Adama, Sodo, Arba Minch, Debre Zeit, and Jimma; staff at the units were trained in assisting the needs of vulnerable children, including potential trafficking victims. Healthcare and other social services were generally provided to victims of trafficking by government-operated hospitals in the same manner as they were provided to other victims of abuse. The government continued to jointly operate an emergency response center in the Afar Region jointly with the IOM, at which police and local health professionals provided medical and nutritional care, temporary shelter, transport to home areas, and counseling to migrants in distress, including trafficking victims. While officials reportedly encouraged victims to assist in the investigation and prosecution of their traffickers, there were no protective mechanisms in place to support their active role in these processes. For example, Ethiopian law does not prevent the deportation of foreign victims to countries where they might face hardship or retribution. There were no reports of trafficking victims being detained, jailed, or prosecuted in 2013. The limited nature of consular services provided to Ethiopian workers abroad continued to be a weakness in government efforts. Although Employment Exchange Services Proclamation No. 632/2009 requires licensed employment agencies to place funds in escrow to provide assistance in the event a worker’s contract is broken, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) has never used these deposits to pay for victims’ transportation back to Ethiopia. Nonetheless, in one case, a young woman in domestic servitude was pushed off the fifth story of a building by her employer in Beirut; once the victim was out of the hospital, the Ethiopian Embassy assisted in her repatriation, and upon her arrival, officials referred her to an NGO for assistance.
While officials worked to facilitate the return of stranded migrants and detainees, many of whom are believed to be trafficking victims, its focus was solely emergency assistance, with minimal direct provision of or support for longer-term protective services necessary for adequate care of trafficking victims. In April 2013, through a bilateral agreement with Yemeni officials, the Ethiopian government facilitated the return of 618 Ethiopian migrants stranded in Yemen after having failed to cross the Saudi Arabian border or been deported from Saudi Arabia. The government did not coordinate humanitarian assistance for these returnees upon their arrival in Addis Ababa. IOM coordinated subsequent returns, providing shelter at the IOM transit center in Addis Ababa, where returnees received medical care and psycho-social support while UNICEF conducted family tracing. The government did not provide financial or in-kind support to these IOM-led operations.
Beginning in November 2013, the Saudi Arabian government began massive deportation of foreign workers, who lacked proper visas or employment papers. The Ethiopian government led the repatriation and closely collaborated with IOM as part of an emergency response to the deportation of 163,000 Ethiopians from Saudi Arabia—many of whom were likely trafficking victims. Ethiopian diplomats worked to identify Ethiopian detainees stuck in 64 Saudi detention camps and various ministries met twice a week in an effort to return the migrants as rapidly as possible because of inhumane conditions within Saudi deportation camps. With a peak of 7,000 returning each day, the government partnered with IOM to provide food, emergency shelter, and medical care, and facilitate the deportees’ return to their home areas. Those requiring overnight stays in Addis Ababa were accommodated in IOM’s transit center and three transit facilities set up by the government; two of these were on government training campuses and one was rented at the government’s expense. The Disaster Risk Management and Food Security Section of the Ministry of Agriculture set up incident command centers at transit centers where representatives from all ministries addressed issues among returnees. The Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Women, Children, and Youth Affairs provided blankets, food, and the approximate equivalent of $12,000 to a local NGO that assisted 87 severely traumatized trafficking victims identified among this population—believed to be only a mere fraction of the total number of victims needing comprehensive counseling and reintegration support among these deportees. Regional governments established committees to provide returnees basic assistance and planned to support their reintegration via the establishment of cooperatives and small businesses. For example, in Addis Ababa, 3,000 returnees received psychological support and 1,743 graduated from technical skills training. While the government contributed the equivalent of approximately $2.5 million towards repatriation costs, it requested reimbursement from IOM via donors for the equivalent of approximately $27,000 worth of food.
Prevention
The government made moderate efforts to prevent human trafficking. It coordinated both regional and national awareness raising campaigns. In 2013, nationally-owned media companies aired a drama series which portrayed the dangers of being trafficked. The Women’s Development Army, a government run program, raised awareness of the dangers of sending children to urban areas alone and of the potential for abuse when illegal brokers facilitate migration. Working-level officials from federal ministries and agencies met weekly as part of the technical working group on trafficking, led by MOLSA. The inter-ministerial taskforce on trafficking met quarterly and was extensively involved in responding to the deportation of Ethiopians from Saudi Arabia.
Officials acknowledged that licensed employment agencies were involved in facilitating both legal and illegal labor migration and, as a result, enacted a temporary ban on the legal emigration of low-skilled laborers in October 2013. The ban is set to remain in place until draft amendments to the employment exchange proclamation are enacted to allow for greater oversight of private employment agencies, to mandate the placement of labor attachés in Ethiopian embassies, and to establish an independent agency to identify and train migrant workers. The government monitored the activities of labor recruitment agencies and closed an unknown number of agencies that were identified as having sent workers into dangerous conditions. Officials acknowledged that the ban may encourage illegal migration; as a result, the EFP mobilized additional resources to monitor Ethiopia’s borders. In February 2014, the EFP intercepted 101 Ethiopians led by an illegal broker at the border with Sudan. In early November 2013, the government sent a delegation of officials to Saudi Arabia to visit various camps where Ethiopians were being held. Due to the poor conditions in the camps and numerous reports of abuse, the Ethiopian government acted to remove all of their citizens swiftly. During the year, a planned government-funded, six-week, pre-departure training for migrant workers was suspended due to lack of funding. Labor migration agreements negotiated in the previous reporting period with Jordan, Kuwait, and Qatar remained in place; the government negotiated new agreements in 2013 with the Governments of Djibouti, Sudan, the UAE, and Kenya. However, these agreements did not explicitly contain provisions to protect workers—such as by outlining mandatory rest periods, including grounds for filing grievances, and prohibiting recruitment fees.
In 2013, the government established the Office of Vital Records to implement a June 2012 law requiring registration of all births nationwide; however, the lack of a uniform national identification card continued to impede implementation of the law and allowed for the continued issuance of district-level identification cards that were subject to fraud. MOLSA’s inspection unit decreased in size during the reporting period from 380 to 291 inspectors as a result of high turnover rates and limited resources. In 2013, the government’s list of Activities Prohibited for Young Workers became law. MOLSA inspectors were not trained to use punitive measures upon identifying labor violations, and expressed concern that such efforts would deter foreign investment. The government provided Ethiopian troops with anti-trafficking training prior to their deployment abroad on international peacekeeping missions, though such training was conducted by a foreign donor.